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Role Models
By Michael Alan Hamlin
August 13, 2001

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo says that Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad is her role model as a leader. That's a fearfully frightful admission, about as likely to inspire confidence in the Philippines as the president's stubborn refusal to rule out the prospect for instituting currency controls a la Mahathir to protect the country's beleaguered currency.

Malaysia, in fact, is having its own problems attracting investors to its cash-starved economy. And ironically, the bulk of investment is actually reinvestment by existing investors who decided to stay in the country precisely because the ringgit depreciated before controls were put in place. That depreciation made reinvestment an attractive alternative to pulling up stakes and moving to Vietnam or China. But the country has largely failed to attract new investors and as a result foreign direct investment (FDI) remains substantially below pre-crisis levels. Mr. Mahathir's controls have also kept its stock market in a protracted funk.

Worse, Mr. Mahathir's currency peg has caused Malaysia's exports to become increasingly uncompetitive as other regional currencies have continued to depreciate. Mr. Mahathir succeeded in keeping his currency belatedly stable at the cost of national competitiveness. Currency controls therefore failed to protect the ringgit, scared off new investors, and eroded competitiveness. What in that equation seems attractive to Ms. Arroyo?

What else does Ms. Arroyo see in Mr. Mahathir? Hopefully it's not his penchant for locking up the opposition using a British-era act called the Internal Security Act (ISA). Mr. Mahathir's former protégé Anwar Ibrahim was arrested, thrown into jail, and beaten under the ISA about the time Mr. Mahathir instituted currency controls. Opposition politicians have continued to be arrested under the act, which the Malaysian Human Rights Commission recently said should be appealed, and other laws on political gatherings overhauled. One of the most recent arrests under the ISA was of a schoolteacher who asked students to take part in an elocution contest on the topic, "Justice is eroding and lacking in the judicial system in Malaysia." He risks three years in jail, if convicted.

While Ms. Arroyo doesn't have the clout to start throwing school teachers in jail, her administration has used warrantless arrests to deal with its opponents, first following the May 1 siege of Malacañang Palace, and more recently in Basilan in an attempt to neutralize supporters of the Abu Sayyaf, the kidnap gang that styles itself as a band of revolutionaries. And it is using military intelligence to go after controversial neophyte senator and prospective 2004 presidential candidate Panfilo "Ping" Lacson, Jr., accusing him of amassing extraordinary sums from kidnapping and trafficking in illegal drugs.

It's not hard to understand the temptation to use such strong-arm tactics, at least in Ms. Arroyo's case. But it's a temptation that should be avoided. Using them, rather than suggesting strength, signals investors and observers alike that her unelected administration lacks the moral authority and operational credibility to deal with the challenges it faces. So instead of strengthening Ms. Arroyo's hand, such measures weaken her, as her role model in Malaysia is finding out.

Mr. Mahathir's government is also known for its aversion to criticism, legitimate or otherwise. Despite the trend toward increasing press freedom in Asia, for example, evident in Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, and the Philippines, the Malaysian government tightly controls media, which must annually renew licenses to publish. Although Mr. Mahathir has repeatedly promised not to place limitations on electronic media, signs are emerging that new controls are not far off.

Ms. Arroyo's government so far hasn't tried to limit press freedoms, but it has begun to appoint media personalities to high-paying board seats on government corporations, and her chief publicist, Dante Ang, has acquired the historic Manila Times and publishes a wildly profitable, and racy, tabloid. Mr. Ang, apparently straight-faced, says that the appointments aren't meant to influence the way the appointees report. But if the appointees were to voluntarily stop writing and reporting on the administration in the interest of transparency (which they should), the administration would have succeeded in silencing some of its critics (if the appointments themselves don't do the trick). If they don't, there's an unthinkably obvious conflict of interest.

Although Ms. Arroyo argues that she is a champion of free markets, her role model is almost single-handedly - so far, at least - responsible for the flaccid performance of regional governments under the terms of the Asean Free Trade Agreement, which was meant to make Asia a unified market. Malaysian protectionism, most notable in defense of its costly national car program, inhibits the emergence of competitive enterprises by insulating inefficient companies from real-world competition.

But they also enable a government to temporarily avoid reforms and strengthen institutions, which helps perpetuate political power. Weak institutions contributed mightily to allowing the excesses that propelled Asia into crisis in 1997. And it is sad commentary indeed that many of those responsible for those excesses are protégés of Mr. Mahathir or another once-favored deputy, Daim Zainuddin, who resigned earlier this year as finance minister. Just prior to his resignation, Mr. Daim helped politically connected businessman Tajudin Ramli extract himself from Malaysian Airline System at a 350 percent premium. That premium, of course, was paid by Malaysian taxpayers. Mr. Mahathir did pressure Daim to resign following this latest bailout, but only after public outrage provided no other choice.

Ms. Arroyo's curious statements of admiration for Mr. Mahathir were probably intended to soften the aging, cranky Malaysian leader prior to and during her visit to Kuala Lumpur last week. But casual references by presidents can cause unfortunate reverberations, as Ms. Arroyo experienced last week when foreign investors fled the stock market following her refusal to rule out capital controls to protect the peso. Yes, Filipinos want a strong leader, but one suited to new times and this country. Not one who intends to emulate one of Asia's most embarrassing anachronisms.
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(Mr. Hamlin is managing director of the consultancy TeamAsia and the author of two books on Asian economies and managing in Asia. His latest book is The New Asian Corporation: Managing for the Future in Post-Crisis Asia. His e-mail address is mahamlin@teamasia.com.ph.)



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